Redirected from Taiwanese aborigines
Taiwanese aborigines or aborginal (原住民, in pinyin: yuánzhùmín, literal meaning: "Original Inhabitant(s)") are the indigenous peoples of Taiwan. They are a group of Austronesian people, who are descended from the inhabitants of Taiwan who lived on the island before Han immigration in the 1600s.
Today, most tribes that the R.O.C. recognizes are concentrated in the highland mountains of Taiwan and speak the a linguistic grouping of archaic Formosan languages, which belong to the Austronesian (Malayo-Polynesian) language family.
Taiwanese aborigines recognized by the R.O.C. government include the following tribes:
Non recognized tribes include: Basay, Ketagalon, Trobiawan, Luilang, Taokas, Popora, Babuza, Pazeh (Pazih), Hoanya, Lloa, Arikun, Siraya and Qaugaut.[?]
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History of Aboriginal Tribes Taiwan is recognized by many linguists and scholars as the original land of the Austronesian language. It is believed the Austronesian language and culture originated on Taiwan roughly 6000 years ago due to a lengthy split from its root in southern Asia. Linguistic evidence shows a greater diversity of language on Taiwan than other Austronesian speaking areas. Linguists note earlier linguistic separations, mark the earliest settlements. According to the R.O.C. government there are 11 tribes on Taiwan which are eligible to receive tribal status, but records indicate there may be as many as 26 linguistic groups and the Babuza, Popora, Hoanya, Siraya, Taokas and Pazeh tribes were included in Japanese field studies through 1945.
The Dutch supply the earliest record of aboriginal life on Taiwan. The Dutch East Indies Company (VOC) included details of their encounters with the tribes on the western plain as well as tribes from the south and southeast.
Many of the plains tribes were matriarchal/matrilineal societies. Men married into a woman's family after a courtship period where the woman was free to reject as many men as she wished before marriage. Until the arrival of the Dutch Reform Church, couples entered into marriage in their mid 30s when they would be less able to do more dexterous labor. Almost all tribes in Taiwan have a sexual division of labor. Women do the sewing, cooking and farming, while the men hunt and prepare to take heads. Early European accounts often cite the men for being lazy without considering the essential benefit of the division of labor. Women were often found in the office of Priestess or medium to the gods.
The Dutch were also in search of gold and endeavored the Puyuma people to lead them to the source of the island's gold. The Puyuma led the Dutch 80Km to the Kavalan Plain where trace amounts of the mineral could be panned from streambeds. This account in confirmed by both Dutch accounts and Puyuma oral tradition.
The Dutch employed the plains aborigines to procure deerskins for use in the triangular trade between the company, China and Japan. It was the deer trade that brought the first Chinese traders to aboriginal villages. The demand for deer greatly diminished the deer stocks and as early as 1642 there was a notable drop in deer herds. The drop had a heavy impact on aboriginal society as many aborigines had to take up farming to counter the economic impact of their vital food source.
The Dutch period ended with the arrival of Ming loyalist, Zheng Cheng-gong (Koxinga), but their impact was deeply ingrained in aboriginal society. 19th and 20th century European explorers write of being welcomed as kin by the aborigines who thought they were the Dutch who had promised to return.
Contrary to the popular misconception that the Ping pu tribes, under pressure from Han immigrants, fled to the mountains becoming Gao Shan tribes, the documented facts show that the majority of plains people remained on the plain and are currently residing on their traditional lands. Large areas of the western plain were subject to large land rents ' Huan De Zu' (Barbarian Big Rent), which desisted following the Japanese occupation. The large tracts of deer field, guaranteed by the Qing, was owned by the tribes and their individual members. The tribes would commonly offer Han farmenrs a permanent rent of the top soil, which was called 'two lords to a field' (Yi tian liang zu). Wealthier Han, commonly military leaders, were allowed large rent status of 'government wasteland'. Large rent holders were required to pay taxes of 6-8 shi for every jia . Often the Han and aborigines found creative means to solve their land and tax troubles. The An li tribe in, under the guidance of their official interperator Zhang Da-jing, an ethnic Hakka who had taken seven aborigine brides, the An li tribe transferred ownership of six pieces of land to Han farmers in exchange for the Han's expertise in building irrigation systems for farming. The plains tribes were often cheated out of land or pressured to sell, some moved, but most remained and changed their names to Chinese names. One account of this 'identity shift' occurs in the area called Rujryck by the Dutch, now part of Taipei city. A document from the seventh year of the Qianlong[?] Emperor, and signed by the village heads states, "We originally had no surnames, please bestow on us the Han surnames, Pan, Chen, Li, Wang, Tan"etc. Taking a Han name was a necessary step in instilling Confucian values in the aborigines. In the Confucian Qing state, Confucian values were necessary to be recognized as a human 'ren'. A surname would allow the Aborigines to worship their ancestors, pray to gods and conduct in the practices of filial piety. Often, the large groups of immigrant men would unite under a common surname to form a brotherhood. Brotherhoods were used was a form of defense as each sworn brother was bound by an oath of blood to run to the aid of a brother in need. The brotherhood groups would connect their names to a family tree, in essence manufacturing a genealogy based on names rather than blood and taking the place of the kinship organizations commonly found in China. The practice was so wide spread, today's family books are largely unreliable. Many plains aborigines joined kinship groups to gain protection from the group as a type of insurance policy and through these groups they took on a Han identity with a Chinese lineage.
The undocumented 'displacement scenario', which claims Taiwan's aborigines immigrated to the mountains becoming 'Gao shan zu', has been exasperated by the migrations of plains tribes during the beginning of the 19th century. The Gao Shan people have been adapted for over one thousand years to high mountain living as projected through their material culture, hunting culture, oral tradition and physical build. The plains subgroups that had resisted becoming farmers like their Han tenants decided to move to areas away from Han interference. In 1804, a group of approximately 1000 plains aborigines moved over the central mountain range to southern Iilan, near present day Luo dong. These groups were mainly drawn from the more disadvantaged families in 30 villages of Changhua and Tanshui counties. A second migration to the Puli basin in 1823 suggests the participants were merely unsettled families and subgroups based on the fact that the migrations resulted in place names in both Iilan and Puli matching the names of their places of origin. By the early 20th century, large tracts were still owned and maintained by the members of the tribes resulting in the Japanese buying up the large pieces for use as airfields, garbage dumps and industrial zones Before the 1600's, the aborigines lived throughout the island, but those in the western coastal plains have acculturated to mainstream Taiwanese culture and intermarriage with the Han Chinese immigrants has confused descriptions of tribes and the ethnic composition of Taiwan. Taiwan Nationalist groups hope to take advantage of the new findings, which shows an island less ethnic Chinese and more multiethnic. Chinese nationalists do not feel ethnicity is an issue in adopting a Chinese identity.
The earliest fieldwork on the highland cultures began in 1897, by Japanese anthropologist, Ino Kanori who later teamed up with his friend Torii Ryuzo. The work published by both men laid the cornerstones for modern anthropological studies on Taiwan. Ino argued in support of Aboriginal rights, supporting the idea that they were not intellectually inferior in any way, contrary to Chinese sources, though Ino also wrote that understanding the aborigines would make them easier to govern under colonial control. The early Japanese research resulted in the creation of eight tribes of Taiwanese aborigines, Atayal, Bunun, Saisiat, Tsou, Paiwan, Puyuma, Ami[?] and Pepo (Plains)[?]. His original findings were accepted by Governor, Viscount Kodama. Later research has found major errors in his classifications as Atayal means 'I/me' and the Yami actually call themselves 'Tao', as 'yami' in he Tao language means 'we/us'. The Paiwan were originally called Ruval and Batsul, a therm they also applied to the Rukai. The Puyuma are named after the town of Beinan rather than an actual tribal name. Although the Pepo were recognized, they were not preserved, while Pong So No Daoo (Orchid Island/Lanyu), home of the Tao, was entirely sealed from outsiders for the exclusive use, until the 1930s, of scientists and anthropologists.
Little changed for the highland groups until the Japanese occupation in 1895. When the Japanese arrived in Taiwan they had grand plans to turn Taiwan into their showcase colony, a model for further colonial ambitions. In order to exploit the wealth of natural resources the Japanese had to classify the aboriginal groups and contain the aborigines to reservations. Aborigines were barred from interaction with people on the plains and were forced to wear aboriginal clothing and practice aboriginal customs to preserve their identity of a tripe that could be contained and barred from land claims. The early campaigns to gain aboriginal submission was often very brutal, with the Taroko tribe sustaining continued bombardment from naval ships and airplanes dropping mustard gas. Beginning in 1910, the Japanese sought to incorporate the aborigines into the Japanese identity. They erected schools in high mountain villages maintained by a police officer/headmaster. The schools taught math, ethics, Japanese, and vocational studies. The administrative designation of aborigine became a hereditary designation under the Japanese, complicating matters of cultural affiliation.
By 1940, 71% of aborigine children were attending school and Japanese customs were replacing aboriginal tradition. The term 'Takasago zoku' (Formosan Race) replaced 'hwan a' (savage) as the popular term used for aborigines. The Japanese had invested much time and money to eliminate traditions they found unsavory. These traditions included tattooing, infanticide and headhunting.
Tribal life under the Japanese changed rapidly as many of the traditional structures were replaced by a military power. Aborigines who wished to improve their status looked to education rather than headhunting as the new form of power. The aborigines who learned to work with the Japanese and follow their customs would be better suited to lead villages. By the end of WWII, aborigines whose fathers had been killed in pacification campaigns were volunteering to die for the Emperor of Japan. Many older aborigines feel a strong identification with the Japanese.
In 1951 a major campaign was launched to change the customs of the aborigines to act like Han Chinese. At the same time aborigines who had joined the Japanese military were conscripted to fight the bloody battles for possession of Kinmen and Matsu, the two islands under R.O.C. administration that lie closest to the coast of Mainland China. Retreating KMT soldiers from mainland China often married aboriginal women who were from poorer areas and could be easily bought as wives. The official policy on aboriginal identity had been a 1.1 ratio, leaving any intermarriage resulting in a Chinese child. Later the policy was adjusted to the ethnic status of the father determining the status of the child.
The field of aboriginal studies had been nearly eliminated from Taiwan's education curriculum, favoring the exemplification of all things Chinese to help validate the KMT on Taiwan. The result has been the loss of several languages and a perpetuation of shame for being an aborigine. Very few Taiwanese are willing to entertain the idea of having aboriginal genes although modern studies show a high degree of intermixing. In a 1994 study, 71% of families would object to their daughter marrying an aboriginal man.
Since the mid-1990s the R.O.C. government has taken steps to raise aboriginal awareness and expand aboriginal rights. Aborigines play a significant role in schemes of local education and the environment with talk of autonomous regions and mandatory offerings of aboriginal language. Since 1998, school children were finally allowed to learn about the plains people based more on facts than ideology. The government had also spent considerable funds on museums and culture centers focusing on plains tribes and Taiwan's aboriginal heritage. All signs point to a gradual move towards nation building and the creation of an alternative to a Chinese identity. Critics call such moves creeping independence and a separatist plot to split the nation. As more research is conducted, the cloudier the situation becomes. Lee Teng hui famously submitted to a blood test which revealed aboriginal genes among Hakka, and Han.
The aborigines in Taiwan have also come to symbolize ecological awareness on the island as many of the environmental issues are spearheaded by aborigines who have classically been victims of government sanctioned pollution schemes. The highest profile case is the nuclear waste storage facility on Orchid Island. Orchid Island is a small, tropical island 60km off the southeast coast of Taiwan. The inhabitants are the 4000 members of the Tao tribe who have subsisted from fishing and taro farming on the island for over 1000 years. In the 1970's the island was designated as a possible site to store low and medium grade nuclear waste. The island, although populated, was selected on the grounds that it would be cheaper to build the necessary infrastructure for storage and that the population would not cause trouble. The Tao tribe claims KMT officials offered to build them a cannery for surplus fish and resent the 98,000 barrels of nuclear waste stored on their island, 100 meters from the Immorod fishing fields. The Tao have since stood at the forefront of the anti-nuclear movement and launched several exorcisms and protests to remove the waste they claim has resulted in deaths and sickness. The lease on the land has expired and an alternative site has yet to be selected. The county commissioner of Taitung County has offered to store the waste in Taimali (Timmuri), on the Puyuma reservation, but the idea has not been accepted by local residents.
There is currently a movement by the aborigines to return to their traditional sites and find ways to remain on their lands, continue their culture and speak their languages while earning a living. Eco-tourism, sewing and selling tribal carvings, jewelry and music has become the new aboriginal economy. The central government has taken steps to allow romanized spellings of aboriginal names on official documents, offsetting the long held policy of forcing a Chinese name on an aborigine. A relaxed policy on identification now allows a child to choose their official designation if they are born to mixed aboriginal/han parents.
See also: Taiwanese language (non-aboriginal), History of Taiwan
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